[source]
From a talk between Enver Hoxha of the PLA and Ernst Aust of the CPG/M–L, November 30, 1979
First Comrade Enver Hoxha welcomed the guest who
had come to our country to take part in the celebration of the 35th
anniversary of the Liberation of Albania. They held a long conversation
in the course of which Comrade Enver Hoxha expressed the opinion of
the Party of Labour of Albania about a number of the more important
political problems. Among other things he said:
First of all, I want to thank you most sincerely for
coming to our country and your participation in this important
celebration for our people and our Party, the 35th
anniversary of the Liberation of socialist Albania. You have been here
at other times, too, and know our country and our Party, and know the
feelings which we nurture for you.
At this meeting I would like to discuss a number of problems which we think are of interest both for you and for us.
The stronger the Marxist-Leninists are, the more they
are monolithic, with extensive activity and always with a firm and
clear line, the more the day-to-day struggle of the proletariat here in
Europe will assume a revolutionary political colour and essence. The
strikes, demonstrations and demands of the European proletarians, which
are taking place at the moments of the great crisis through which
imperialism and world capitalism are passing, will more and more assume
a political character.
As you know, the economic strikes and demonstrations
which are taking place at present in the countries of the European
Common Market frequently end peacefully, in agreements between
trade-union bosses or the worker aristocracy and the employers.
We think that work must be done to change this
sterile struggle, this modus vivendi. We consider this struggle harmful
to the proletariat and favourable, undisturbing, and to some degree
surmountable for capitalism, because the results of it are temporary
and do not harm capitalism much financially, because the concessions it
makes as a result of the demands and the struggle of the proletariat
are just crumbs from the enormous surplus value which it extracts from
the exploitation of the working class and the mechanization of
production.
The contradictions between proletarians and
capitalists, between the rank-and-file unionists and the worker
aristocracy, the union bosses, are becoming more profound and we must
strive to make them more and more so. We think that capital and the
worker aristocracy are bound together in a knot which must be severed
like the Gordian knot. This knot consists of the laws which are nothing
but the chains with which the proletariat has been bound to prevent it
deviating from the course advantageous to capital. Therefore, the
question which presents itself is to study the enslaving character of
these laws which constitute the wall with which the present struggle of
the proletariat is colliding, and in this direction you have many
possibilities to study the situation to find and attack the weak
points, to breach this wall and then to launch a frontal attack on the
breach in order, eventually, to bring down the whole wall.
Of course, this is not easy. If systematic actions
are not undertaken in this direction, and especially, when a great deal
of explanatory work is not done with the army of proletarians, then
successes cannot be achieved. Hence, the conditions demand that we
should work inside the existing unions, but should also work to
establish our own unions, which we must defend and use as a political
weapon against capital and the union bosses to defend those economic
rights which the working class has won through struggle, but we must
also struggle for the true rights of the workers, that is, for their
political rights.
However, these can be achieved only when the
proletariat and its party, in the first place, clearly understand the
theory of Marx and Lenin about the character of capital and the role of
the proletariat and the proletarian revolution.
West Germany is the most powerful capitalist state of "United Europe", the wealthiest country of this monopoly capitalist
union. West-German imperialism is a ferocious imperialism, an ally of
the United States of America, an ally in NATO and a member of the
European Common Market. Next to the United States of America it is the "ally" which plays the main role in NATO and it dominates the Common
Market from every stand-point. The other members are afraid of it, and
therefore, there are contradictions between them.
This domination, which is also exerted over the
German people themselves, at the same time enables West-German capital
to show itself somewhat more "generous" towards the proletariat. And in
fact, the standard of living in West Germany is higher than in the
other countries of "United Europe", its currency is stronger, the
demagogy about its pseudo-democracy is greater and the level of German
technology is among the highest.
Precisely in this difficult situation, in which it is
the merit of your Party to be struggling, the Party must provide
complete and factually based explanations about the mechanism of the
political-economic oppression which German capital exerts, because you
have to do with a proletariat with a high level of education and
qualification, with farmers who have sufficient land and work with
mechanized means, and you have to do with an intelligentsia with
traditions, but imbued with the most varied reactionary ideological
views which, as we know, Karl Marx and Frederick Engels combated and
exposed over a wide front.
Imperialism is continually inventing new fascist and
revanchist counter-revolutionary theories, both open and disguised,
which respond to the situations which those who create them are
experiencing, and it spreads them not only in Germany, but everywhere
in the world, concocting and encouraging new outlooks, new ways of
life, which are adapted to the technology, the industrial development
and capitalism in decay. Imperialism, especially in your country,
combines all these theories and outlooks with the Teutonic spirit, with
the old Bismarck Junker outlook and Hitlerite national-socialist
savagery.
Our doctrine, Marxism-Leninism, explains and clarifies all these situations which have developed and are developing.
It has foreseen everything, while also providing a
correct solution for the fundamental problems of each epoch, the
problems of the materialist and dialectical development of history.
Only a rabid enemy of Marxism-Leninism can act as the Chinese
revisionists are doing.
Amongst other things, at the Congress of Writers and
Artists of China which ended recently, through the vice-president of
the League, they declared that in the 19th century Marx and
Engels could not have foreseen the development of productive forces
through the wide-scale use of electric power and nuclear energy. Lenin
was able to recognize this and that is why he said that communism is
Soviet power plus the electrification of the whole country, but, say
the Chinese, he was not acquainted with electronics, and consequently,
his theory, too, is of no help in today's conditions of development.
On the other hand, this Chinese revisionist made
himself the apologist of imperialism by stating, to the astonishment of
all, that this system is not in decay or in decline, but is advancing,
developing production, science, technique and the productive forces,
therefore, he concludes, this new situation of the imperialist
countries has brought forward new problems to be studied. "Mao Zedong
thought" provides this "aid". In other words, according to this
revisionist, we must reject Marxism-Leninism.
In these conditions it is our duty to arm ourselves
by studying and thoroughly mastering Marxism-Leninism in order to
clearly distinguish the false, so-called Marxist- Leninist theories
such as "Mao Zedong thought", the theories of the "Eurocommunists" who
would be better called Eurorevisionists, and other such theories.
As we see, we are facing many enemies whom we must
fight together in Marxist-Leninist unity of revolutionary thought and
action.
Our struggle is serious and complicated. It is a
stern political, ideological and economic struggle and, in certain
conditions, even an armed struggle. On this occasion, I want to stress
that for us Marxist-Leninists the revolution has begun, it is a process
in development, therefore we must carry it through to the end, The
fundamental issue of this revolution is the seizure of state power by
the proletariat by force, by violence, because the capitalist
bourgeoisie which holds state power does not relinquish it willingly or
through reforms.
Of course, we Marxist-Leninists are realists; we are
organizers and know that the revolution is prepared objectively and
subjectively. Sacrifices will be required, we and the peoples will shed
our blood, we will have to be clear in our thinking, prudent and
courageous in actions, fearless on attack and careful in retreat. We
must also know when we can make compromises, of course, only when these
are advantageous to the revolution. On this question and in everything
else, both in strategy and tactics, we are guided by Marxism-Leninism.
We must take full account of the political
circumstances, clearly discern the splits in the ranks of the enemies
and exploit them in favour of the revolution and erode the material,
political and military power of the enemies.
World capitalism, social-democracy and modern
revisionism have always fought, distorted and misrepresented
proletarian internationalism, the collaboration of communists, and the
unity of thought and action of the communist and workers' parties. On
us, the Marxist-Leninist parties, devolves the urgent task of putting
all these things on the right road.
The so-called joint meetings which social-democracy,
modern revisionism hold from time to time are worthless, formal, and
are held to feel the pulse of the partners who take part in them. At
these meetings each participant aims t o benefit himself at the expense
of the others. Of course, we Marxist-Leninists need meetings, but we
have no need for meetings just for the sake of meetings, fruitless
meetings, meetings which allegedly affirm our existence. First of all,
we need meetings to exchange experience, to co-ordinate the cardinal
actions for a given situation, we need meetings of a militant character
in which unity prevails and not meetings in order to quarrel and
split.
The holding of these meetings depends on the
seriousness of the parties, on the problems which require joint
solutions, as well as on the moments when these solutions should be
applied. Therefore, we think that slogans about "general meetings of
communist parties (Marxist-Leninist)" should not be issued without
first carefully weighing up and deciding the problems which will be
discussed in them.
In our opinion, these meetings, whether bilateral,
trilateral, multilateral, or general, are determined by the objective
needs of the struggle, by the need to exchange experience and for
special consultations about related problems which all of us face. Our
Party clearly defined this view at its 7th Congress.
Now I come to another question. If we look at the
present state of the communist parties (Marxist-Leninist) of Europe,
along with the good results achieved in strengthening them, it seems to
us that since some of them are new, they are still not properly
consolidated politically, ideologically and organizationally.
We, the older parties, with greater experience, must
help them. Our opinion is that this assistance cannot be provided
properly by a meeting or a communique which might emerge from it, but
bilateral and trilateral contacts should take place and these require
patience, explanations, and real knowledge of the situations in which
each party operates.
Our common problems here, in old Europe, are capital
ones, but they are problems not only of Europe, but of the whole world,
of all peoples, because no part of the globe, no class, no party,
whatever its type and the ideology on which it is based, can isolate
itself from the events which are taking place all round the globe or
fail to take part in this complicated struggle. Naturally, the
intensity of the struggle may not be the same everywhere and this has
its own objective and subjective reasons.
We Marxist-Leninists cannot fail to see and study
this revolutionary development in all its complexity, with the positive
and negative aspects which it presents, and basing ourselves on this,
construct our strategy and tactics.
Capitalist and revisionist Europe looks united, but
it is and it is not. The interests of Western capitalism seem
harmonized and co-ordinated in NATO, in "United Europe" and the
European Common Market, but amongst the states which comprise these
organisms there are profound contradictions and rivalries, the law of
the jungle, crises, inflation and unemployment, fear of the
social-imperialist Soviet Union and, above all, fear of the revolution,
prevail there.
The situation in the Soviet Union and the other
revisionist countries of Eastern Europe, which take part in the Warsaw
Treaty and COMECON, is similar.
There are confrontations between the two blocs as
well as between states within the blocs, but still without weapons; the
rivalries between them are becoming more and more profound. There is
fierce economic competition, a frenzied arms race and struggle for the
weakening of one bloc by the other.
Hence, in this situation there is unequal economic
development, there are capitalist and revisionist states which are
wealthy and less wealthy, dependent and less dependent, as well as
states which are completely dependent, but which pose as free,
independent, sovereign states as Tito's Yugoslavia, Rumania and others
describe themselves. The multinational companies dominate their
political and economic life. The superstructure of these states
responds to this structure. In all the capitalist countries of Europe
disguised fascism has its own forms and forces of organization,
social-democracy has its numerous parties and modern revisionism also
has its parties.
All these parties are political instruments of
capital, imperialism and social-imperialism. They represent and defend
the interests of various capitalist groups of one or the other bloc, of
one or the other capitalist or revisionist state. Decay, rivalry and
ideological and political confusion reign throughout them. All of them,
with their structures and superstructures, are fighting jointly in the
framework of alliances, but also in disalliance and rivalry, in order
to safeguard the regime of oppression and exploitation of capitalism as
a world system and of capitalism within each state; they are fighting
to suppress and exploit the working class and the peoples, to put down
the revolution, whether anti-imperialist or proletarian, anywhere in
the world.
These are the situations in which we, the Marxist-
Leninist parties, the genuine communist parties, the leadership of the
proletariat and the proletariat of all countries, are fighting.
The enemies strive to keep the European proletariat
split and disorganized and all we Marxist-Leninists can see this. This
is the main aim of all the parties of capital, social-democracy and
modern revisionism. Only the doctrine of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin
assures the proletariat of unity of its ranks and its allies. That is
why the bourgeoisie, capitalism, revisionism and socialdemocracy
pervert, distort, fight and deny Marxism-Leninism.
In these conditions our primary task is to defend
Marxism-Leninism, to apply it correctly in revolutionary ways in the
conditions of each country, but not in isolation from the struggle of
other peoples, to make correct analyses of particular and general
situations and to form alliances while safeguarding the individuality
of the Marxist- Leninist party. This is the principle of our struggle
from which we must not budge, because only in this way can the struggle
which capitalism is waging against us be successfully opposed.
The alliance of the proletariat with the peasantry,
the progressive intellectuals, the unemployed of various strata, and
the proletarian-worker emigrants who work in each separate capitalist
country, is essential. Without this alliance, in this situation our
struggle will remain restricted. In Germany there are many such forces,
indeed, there are Albanians who have come mainly from Kosova, who,
amongst other problems, have the problem of unemployment.
The Kosovars are courageous, they have the tradition
that when they give their word they do not go back on it, have many
fine characteristics which they preserve and a strong sense of
friendship. If they make you their friend they will never forget you
and will lay down their lives for you.
In order to achieve such an alliance, first of all,
there must be struggle for unity of action of the proletariat, which is
not achieved all that easily, because of the obstacles which the
parties of the bourgeoisie, such as the social-democrats and the
Christian-democrats and the demagogy of renegades from
Marxism-Leninism, the modern revisionists, raise and the traditions
which they have implanted. Unity is strong when it is established from
below, from the base, proceeding from the real problems and needs of
the workers, from the needs of the rank-and-file unionists, and in this
way, according to the problems and circumstances, forms of organization
for unity of action are created and the split with their reactionary
union bosses becomes obvious.
The pronounced political content of the demands in
strikes and demonstrations in which the new revolutionary leaders will
emerge, will strengthen this unity. In the course of this struggle new
forms of organization and leadership will emerge too.
Unity, this is the key problem of our
Marxist-Leninist parties, the motto of which has always been and still
is: "Workers of all countries unite!" This is achieved when attention
is paid also to the slogan: "Workers of one country unite!"
This unity implies ceaseless struggle against those
who combat it, hence, against the local capitalists and capitalist
superstructure, implies struggle against the organization and ideology
of political parties of the bourgeoisie and against capitalist
exploitation.
Our struggle, then, is a great and extensive one. It
is not easy, on the contrary, it is difficult. Naturally, this
all-sided struggle does not discourage us or make us pessimistic, but
gives us courage. Nevertheless, it cannot be coped with by the forces
of the Marxist-Leninist party alone which, while standing firm on
principles, must not be sectarian or opportunist either in thought or
in action, otherwise it will withdraw into its own shell or become a
revisionist party.
Therefore, our Party thinks that the problem of the
unity of the working class and the forming of alliances on sound
foundations with other strata and forces for specific issues, for
minimum programs, in order to go over eventually to alliances of a
broader character and more far-reaching programs, are decisive
problems.
We think that a mature Marxist-Leninist party with some experience can and must accomplish these tasks.
First of all, of course, it is essential that it
should thoroughly understand all these major problems and then solve
them correctly from the political, ideological and organizational
stand-points, in conformity with the concrete conditions of its own
country, so that the objective and subjective factors operate for the
mobilization of the masses in revolts, uprisings and revolution.
Such a thing occurred in Iran, but there the Islamic
bourgeois party and not the Marxist-Leninist party led the uprising. Of
course, Germany, France, or Italy are not like Iran, which is a weak
link of capitalism and imperialism.
Nevertheless, the representatives of Islam were able
to inspire the masses who overthrew the Shah and not only wiped out his
feudal power, maintained by means of modern weapons, but also struck a
heavy blow at American and the other imperialisms.
The American imperialists, placed in difficult
positions, do not know who to support or how to act, whether or not to
intervene in Iran with arms. Armed intervention on their part would be
catastrophic, not only for the United States of America, but also for
the whole capitalist world.
The Moslem believers in Iran are on the move. Not all
the masses believe in Mohammed, but they all want liberation from the
yoke of imperialism. Of course, the bourgeoisie, the capitalists, want
to use the existing situation for their own interests. What will happen
later? That i s another problem the development of which we shall
watch. Nevertheless, we Marxist-Leninists draw some conclusions, seeing
that the people came out in the streets, overthrew the Shah and
succeeded in bringing the army, which was armed to its teeth, over to
their side.
It is well known that whoever oppresses others also
oppresses his own people. If the oppressed people in Iran rose against
their oppressor, then why should the other oppressed peoples not rise
against their own oppressors and the oppressors of others? Capitalism
propagates the impossibility of this, while at the same time it
organizes oppression in a thousand visible and invisible forms.
At the present time an exceptionally difficult
political and economic situation has been created for imperialism and
for American imperialism, in particular. Apart from other things, the
problem of the dollar has become one of its weak points, because the
German mark, the Japanese yen and the French franc are paying for the
dollar.
Hence, the countries which use these currencies do not want the dollar, but the franc, the mark, the yen, etc.
The struggle of the proletariat, led by the
Marxist-Leninists against imperialism, the local capitalism, the
bourgeois state and its political parties, cannot fail to lead to blows
between these latter and the proletariat and its allies. Provided our
actions are revolutionary there can be no other outcome.
The reformists avoid coming to blows, indeed they
vote for and support the strengthening of the armed forces, the police,
and other forces protecting the capitalist system. The reformists are
only for certain reforms, sufficient to deceive the proletariat and the
masses; they are for their own participation in the capitalist state,
hence, they are for the capitalist order.
They describe anyone who rises against the
bourgeoisie and its lackeys as terrorist and anarchist. We
Marxist-Leninists are against terrorism and against anarchism, both in
theory and practice. However, we are preparing the revolution, hence we
are bound to come to blows with the army of the bourgeoisie. For this
reason the bourgeoisie is already preparing the terrain and
indoctrinating the masses psychologically to create the impression
amongst them that we, the communists and proletarians who rise in
insurrection against the system of oppression and exploitation, are
allegedly terrorists, anarchists, murderers and bank robbers and label
us with other epithets which are perfectly appropriate for terrorist
and anarchist gangs, but in no way appropriate for communists. It is
the capitalist system which creates these gangs, which causes the
degeneration of their members and encourages them to operate under
pseudo-revolutionary, pseudo-proletarian and pseudo-communist labels.
Originally, many members of these gangs were honest people, unemployed
and homeless and suffering great hardships, but this miserable life and
capitalism itself drive them to commit acts of terror, robbery and
murder. In some cases these gangs are an embarrassment to the power of
the bourgeoisie, but mostly they serve the bourgeoisie and so it
increases them continuously and leaves them free to operate. This is
the army of fascism with which the proletariat has clashed and will
always clash whenever it rises in revolutionary struggle. Such gangs
are the auxiliary aids of the army, the police and all the organs of
coercion of the bourgeoisie.
Therefore, it is a primary task of our communist
parties (Marxist-Leninist) to educate and train the proletariat and the
masses day by day by engaging them in minor actions and then in bigger
actions against the bourgeoisie and the various forms of oppression
which it employs, especially against the army and the other means of
oppression of the capitalist order. This is no easy task. For this
reason the Marxist-Leninist party does not separate its revolutionary
strategy from its revolutionary tactics. The essence of our struggle is
to make the soldier, the son of the people, a political person so that
he will not be an automaton, but will consciously sabotage the orders,
discipline, and armaments of the army, erode the power of the
reactionary officer caste, refuse to open fire on the people and, at
the culminating moment, turn his weapons against the system, against
his superiors, and join the insurgents, as occurred in Iran.
In the countries of Europe this is a thing that
cannot be realized immediately, therefore, the communist parties (M-L)
here have to do a great deal of work. It is clear that their subsequent
activity will be easier when the genuine parties of the working class
have carried out adequate work with the sons of the people before they
are recruited to the army.
We must sabotage the imperialist war. This is done by
preparing the masses and co-ordinating the struggle against the
capitalist structure and superstructure with the struggle to sabotage
the army of the bourgeoisie. The Marxist-Leninist party turns
imperialist war into civil war.
This is what Marxism-Leninism teaches us, therefore,
the ways and means must be found for us to develop and concretize this
great lesson in practice.
This will be achieved only when we prepare the
soldier for such an action, when he understands this action and is
conscious of its importance, when he sabotages the munition plants and
depots and the infra-structure of the bourgeois army and when, at the
same time, the Marxist-Leninist party through struggle and in the
course of fighting has organized the army of the armed people and, at
the head of the proletariat, launches direct attacks to overthrow the
power of the bourgeoisie and place power in the hands of the people,
which is the main objective of the revolution.
All this complex struggle of the Marxist-Leninist
parties, the proletariat, and the working masses cannot be waged in the
same way and with the same intensity, with the same forms and methods
in all the countries of Europe and the world. This is understandable
and an objective fact. The situations are not the same and cannot be
developed in the same way everywhere, but Marxism -Leninism, the
ideology which guides us and must guide us, is the same, the objectives
which we must achieve are the same, while the forces in movement and
in confrontation have been defined by Marxism-Leninism on the basis of
the dialectical and historical development of human society. Hence, it
is up to the working class in alliance with the peasantry and other
exploited strata, under the leadership of its own Marxist-Leninist
communist party, to carry out the revolution and take power into its
own hands.
Only a genuine Marxist-Leninist party is able to
study and understand these great and important problems correctly, to
organize the struggle, the revolution, and achieve the objectives which
history has allocated to the proletariat and to the party as the
leading and guiding force of the proletariat.[emphasis added]
We think that only a party of the Lenin-Stalin type
can lead the proletarian revolution to its successful conclusion and
build the new society, socialism and communism.
Assimilation by the militants of the ideology of Marx
and Lenin and its rigorous application in practice with iron
proletarian discipline have great importance.
The proletarian revolution demands iron proletarian
discipline. Therefore, the vanguard party of the working class is
characterized by unity of revolutionary Marxist-Leninist thought and
action.
There must be only one line and not two in a
Marxist-Leninist party. In the party there is genuine democracy within
the principles and norms established, there is open and constructive
discussion in which the opinions which may exist about various problems
are thrashed out, there is sound Marxist-Leninist comradeship and
sincere communist love for one another. Bureaucracy, liberalism and
sectarianism are combated, always within these norms, and the cult of
individuals, favouritism and other evils and all sorts of other
hangovers inherited from the old bourgeois-capitalist society are
combated.
Militancy demands great sacrifices, even up to the
ultimate sacrifice, from us communists. Not all communists understand
this. There are some who understand it narrowly, restricting their
efforts to superficial propaganda which causes no problems or dangers
to "democratic" legality and the adoption of some feeble political
stands without militant mobilization and without concrete results.
The revisionist parties are parties of "permanent»"paid officials, commercial parties which act in politics in the way
they run their capitalist enterprises. For example, the French
revisionist party, the Italian revisionist party and others have their
own trusts and receive open subsidies from the state and secret
subsidies f r om the capitalist groups. Their "militancy" is a facade
which deceives the proletariat and supports the capitalist apparatus
and system, hence, does capital no harm.
The period through which we are passing is glorious
and revolutionary, but also difficult for our parties. Our struggle
must be waged with closed ranks so that we are not infiltrated by the
enemy, either through provocateurs or agents, or ideologically, in
order to split us. "Mao Zedong thought" is one of these weapons which
is being employed at present for this purpose.
The existence and activity of a party in legality and
the possibilities which the capitalist bourgeoisie may provide for it
to work must not create unhealthy illusions.
We must use these possibilities to develop the
revolutionary work, but the party through its sound nucleus can act
better in illegality by exploiting the various forms of work which the
possibilities of bourgeois "legality" permit, but not for a moment
forgetting the tooth and nail struggle with the army of the bourgeoisie
which will attack us.
We must not understand the problem of illegal work in
a sectarian way and shut ourselves away in isolation, neglecting all
the forms of the struggle which "legality" permits, although we must
not forget that this legality is ephemeral. The legal work of the party
is known to the enemy; whereas its illegal work, which is combined
with and guides the legal work, must not be known to the enemy. The
legal struggle must, without fail, achieve certain limits, certain
results which serve the revolution, create the objective factors for
it, prepare the wide-scale mass attacks against the oppressive
capitalist system and its state.
The Party of Labour of Albania is in power. Socialist Albania is the only state of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
We are encircled by savage enemies who are also your
enemies and the enemies of all mankind, but all of us together also
have countless friends in the world with whom we are united in struggle
for the one aim, for the revolution.
We fight to expose and disarm the external enemies
through our correct, principled and courageous policy which arouses
respect among the peoples and fear among the enemies, both because of
the good opinion which it creates about Albania and because of the
recognized fact that the Albanian people know how to fight and defend
themselves if they are attacked. So, for the enemy the question
presents itself like this: you may well try to enter the war but how
will you come out of it?! The enemy may and does have many
sophisticated weapons, but Albania is strong. One of the main aims of
our struggle in the international arena is to increase our friends, to
assist our co-fighters and to disarm and expose the enemies. We never
forget the enemies, we do not overestimate them, but neither do we
underrate them, we face them without batting an eyelid, because we are
determined to fight to the end, to defend ourselves against them
whether in the international arena or within our own country, in
ceaseless struggle against the influence which they are doing their
utmost to impose on us.
Our Party is constantly working to strengthen the
situation within the country in every direction. We have some
difficulties, but, of course, we have more successes.
The Chinese revisionists caused us serious
difficulties in the economy, but we are struggling to overcome them and
we shall do so . . .
We are also encountering some difficulties in trade
exchanges with the capitalist states, but we shall surmount these, too,
without making even the slightest political concession, without toning
down the political struggle even for a moment and without accepting
the smallest credit from them. In our payments to them we shall
continue to be correct, as we have always been. We shall accomplish
everything with our own forces, with prudent and well-considered steps.
We will always be opposed to exaggerated optimism.
The continuous strengthening of this sound situation
within the country is and will continue to be the main objective of our
Party. We are working to ensure that the development of our socialist
economy and culture and the strengthening of the defence of the
Homeland continue to advance. Above all, we are working to safeguard
and strengthen the Marxist-Leninist unity of the Party within its own
ranks and the unity of the Party with the people.
We are struggling to promote new cadres, that is, to
prepare the leading cadres for the future, because the Party must
always be young, continually rejuvenated with fresh blood. This unity
has been created and tempered and will be further tempered only on the
course of Marxism-Leninism.
Our close, sincere, equal relations on the course of
Marxism-Leninism are a vital issue. We must defend Marxism-Leninism,
must master and apply it even better than hitherto by fighting harder
and more effectively in creative ways for the proletarian revolution
and for genuine socialism. We must fight together, shoulder to
shoulder, with closed ranks and assist each other as much as we can.
We, as Marxist-Leninists in power, will help you in your revolutionary
struggle. On the other hand, you help socialist Albania where the Party
of Labour is in power, where the dictatorship of the proletariat has
been established and the new socialist society is being built
successfully, according to the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and
Stalin.
Our Party thinks that a stern struggle must be waged
against the various kinds of modern revisionism and this struggle must
be linked closely with the struggle against American imperialism,
Soviet social-imperialism, capitalism and its parties in each separate
state and on a world scale. We emphasize the struggle against the
various kinds of modern revisionism, because this is the most recent
and least unmasked variant of social-democracy in the period of
imperialism, of capitalism in decay, the period of anti-imperialist
revolutions and proletarian revolutions.
In essence, the various kinds of modern revisionism have the same ideological views and the same objectives:
— The rejection of the Marxist-Leninist theory as a theory allegedly unsuitable for our times;
— The rejection of the revolution and the seizure of power through violence;
— The integration of capitalism into "socialism" by
means of reforms in pluralism and in collaboration, in harmony and
coexistence of classes and their ideologies;
— The preservation of the existing capitalist state
structures as well as of religious beliefs, while accepting only some
minor formal change.
Although Togliatti's polycentrism has been achieved in general, there will be further splits and fragmentation.
Today we see a number of variants of modern revisionism:
1. Soviet modern revisionism which "dominates" in a
series of revisionist parties within its sphere of influence which, in
general, are the former communist parties.
This revisionist grouping disguises itself with Leninism, but fights it both as a theory and as a revolutionary practice.
The parties of this revisionist grouping operating in
the capitalist countries are in opposition, but they are also making
efforts to participate in the capitalist governments of their own
countries. Their demagogy is very dangerous.
2. "Eurocommunism", the banner of which is carried by
the Spanish, French and Italian revisionist parties as well as others
which have openly rejected the Marxist-Leninist theory and the idea of
the revolution, defend parliamentarianism, pluralism, reformism i n
theory and in structure, reject the class struggle, preach class peace,
struggle for participation in the capitalist governments and legal
collaboration with capitalism, while integrating themselves into its
structure and superstructure.
3. Chinese revisionism with "Mao Zedong thought" as a
pseudo-Marxist, eclectic, Bukharinite, revisionist, opportunist theory
with tendencies for world hegemony both in ideology and policy.
Although not well crystallized, "Mao Zedong thought" is a theory of the
developing Chinese bourgeoisie, which has aggressive, war-mongering,
social-imperialist tendencies. This pseudo-Marxist theory rejects
Marxism-Leninism while disguising itself as a theory of the revolution;
likewise, it tries to disguise the struggle which Chinese revisionism
is waging for world hegemony and neo-colonialism, rejects the class
struggle, has a pronounced Asiatic but also world character and comes
out openly against proletarian internationalism.
4. Titoism, a revisionist current which operates with
out disguise against Marxism-Leninism, places itself openly in the
service of world capitalism, is the builder of an anarcho-syndicalist
pseudo-socialist structure with all the anti-socialist and
anti-Marxist-Leninist features. Titoism is a friend and supporter of
the "Eurocommunists" and is trying to become their leader, but without
success.
This current is also making efforts to influence
China, to set it more firmly on the capitalist course, and this i n
fluence has begun to have effect in several directions, although China
aims to create and is creating its capitalist system in its own way.
5. Various eclectic social-religious,
social-bourgeois, anti-Marxist currents which pop up continually like
toadstools after the rain.
Our parties must bear in mind that these revisionist
variants, which are all on the attack against socialism and the
revolution, also have their theories with which they want to manipulate
the masses within the country and outside it, on the international
plane. The theories of "three worlds", "the non aligned", "the
developing world", or theories like that which claims that "socialism
is being built everywhere" are opium for the peoples, are antipopular
theories which are emerging as a reaction to the anti-imperialist
situation and serve precisely to protect the capitalist system from the
attacks of the masses, to hinder the anti-imperialist movement and
struggle of the peoples.
These pseudo-liberation theories create illusions and
try to paralyse the revolutionary drive of the masses by creating the
opinion among them that they are at work, "in struggle", and that what
they are doing, or appear to be doing, is sufficient.
Through the pompous conferences, the broad meetings,
through the exchanges of government delegations and parties of these
countries amongst themselves and the great publicity which accompanies
these numerous manifestations, the bourgeois press is striving to
confuse and daze world opinion and sometimes even the new, unformed
Marxists.
All these things constitute the complexity of our
struggle. In our fundamental fight, in our strategy and tactics, in our
daily struggle and activity we must always take all these actions of
our enemies into account and unmask them openly and without respite. It
is for this reason that we must temper our parties every day, must arm
them with our Marxist-Leninist theory and must safeguard and
strengthen the Marxist-Leninist ideological unity of the party. In this
way alone we can and will find our bearings correctly in our
complicated, but glorious struggle, because this is the great struggle
for the liberation of peoples from capitalist bondage, the struggle for
the triumph of the proletarian revolution on all continents.
